Democracys Nemesis: The Rise of the Corporate University

Chalmers Johnson on Our 'Managed Democracy'
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Universidade corporativa como alavanca da vantagem competitiva. Acesso em: 17 jan. Corporate university partnerships: the private sector pairs higher education on sustainability. Sustainability the journal of record , USA, v. The implementation and use of e-learning in the corporate university. Corporate universities: competitors or collaborators? Corporate Universities: Lessons in building a world-class work force, revised and updated edition. The Corporate university: transforming management education.

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From learning department to learning partner.

A Note from the Margin: The Unsafe Spaces of Democracy

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Mezirow, J. Learning as transformation: Critical perspectives on a theory in progress. Norman, G. Problem-solving skills, solving problems and problem-based learning. Medical Education, 22 , Rolfe, G.


Arendt and Dewey believed that there was a strong correlation between the death of substantive democracy and the demise of those public realms where individuals practiced the art of critical thinking, participated in spirited debate, exercised an engaged thoughtfulness, and learned the necessity of holding authority accountable. In the Cooperative Education Association Eds. In , a book entitled The Invisible Government shocked Americans with its revelations of a growing world of intelligence agencies playing fast and loose around the planet, a secret government lodged inside the one they knew that even the president didn't fully control. Gumbert ed. Denzin and Michael d. London, UK: Temple Smith. One consequence is that spaces on university campuses once marked as public and noncommodifiedplaces for quiet study or student gatheringsnow have the appearance of a shopping mall.

Beyond expertise: Theory, practice and the reflexive practitioner. Journal of Clinical Nursing, 6, Sarris, G. Keeping slug woman alive: A holistic approach to American Indian texts. Schary, D. Interdisciplinary and intradisciplinary research and teaching in kinesiology: Continuing the conversation. Quest, 67, The reflective practitioner: How professionals think in action.

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London, UK: Temple Smith. Smith, T. Teaching for deep learning. Clearing House, 80 , — Vertinsky, P. Mind the gap or mending it : Qualitative research and interdisciplinarity in kinesiology. Quest, 61, Watson, D. Incorporating service-learning into physical education teacher education programs. Zimmerman, B. Becoming a self-regulated learner: An overview. Theory into practice, 41 , 64— The American political system failed to prevent this combination from developing -- and may now be incapable of correcting it.

The evidence strongly suggests that the legislative and judicial branches of our government have become so servile in the presence of the imperial Presidency that they have largely lost the ability to respond in a principled and independent manner. Even in the present moment of congressional stirring, there seems to be a deep sense of helplessness. Various members of Congress have already attempted to explain how the one clear power they retain -- to cut off funds for a disastrous program -- is not one they are currently prepared to use. So the question becomes, if not Congress, could the people themselves restore Constitutional government?

A grass-roots movement to abolish secret government, to bring the CIA and other illegal spying operations and private armies out of the closet of imperial power and into the light, to break the hold of the military-industrial complex, and to establish genuine public financing of elections may be at least theoretically conceivable. But given the conglomerate control of our mass media and the difficulties of mobilizing our large and diverse population, such an opting for popular democracy, as we remember it from our past, seems unlikely.


It is possible that, at some future moment, the U. That is, after all, how the Roman republic ended -- by being turned over to a populist general, Julius Caesar, who had just been declared dictator for life. After his assassination and a short interregnum, it was his grandnephew Octavian who succeeded him and became the first Roman emperor, Augustus Caesar. The American military is unlikely to go that route. But one cannot ignore the fact that professional military officers seem to have played a considerable role in getting rid of their civilian overlord, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld.

The new directors of the CIA, its main internal branches, the National Security Agency, and many other key organs of the "defense establishment" are now military or ex-military officers, strongly suggesting that the military does not need to take over the government in order to control it.

Meanwhile, the all-volunteer army has emerged as an ever more separate institution in our society, its profile less and less like that of the general populace. Nonetheless, military coups, however decorous, are not part of the American tradition, nor that of the officer corps, which might well worry about how the citizenry would react to a move toward open military dictatorship. Moreover, prosecutions of low-level military torturers from Abu Ghraib prison and killers of civilians in Iraq have demonstrated to enlisted troops that obedience to illegal orders can result in dire punishment in a situation where those of higher rank go free.

No one knows whether ordinary soldiers, even from what is no longer in any normal sense a citizen army, would obey clearly illegal orders to oust an elected government or whether the officer corps would ever have sufficient confidence to issue such orders. In addition, the present system already offers the military high command so much -- in funds, prestige, and future employment via the famed "revolving door" of the military-industrial complex -- that a perilous transition to anything like direct military rule would make little sense under reasonably normal conditions.

Whatever future developments may prove to be, my best guess is that the U. Of course, bankruptcy will not mean the literal end of the U. It might, in fact, open the way for an unexpected restoration of the American system -- or for military rule, revolution, or simply some new development we cannot yet imagine. Certainly, such a bankruptcy would mean a drastic lowering of our standard of living, a further loss of control over international affairs, a sudden need to adjust to the rise of other powers, including China and India, and a further discrediting of the notion that the United States is somehow exceptional compared to other nations.

We will have to learn what it means to be a far poorer country -- and the attitudes and manners that go with it. The empire can no longer raise enough taxes or soldiers, it is increasingly indebted, and key vassal states are no longer reliable The result is that the empire can no longer pay for enough of the professional troops it needs to fulfill its self-assumed imperial tasks. At the same time, the deficit in the country's current account -- the imbalance in the trading of goods and services as well as the shortfall in all other cross-border payments from interest income and rents to dividends and profits on direct investments -- underwent its fastest ever quarterly deterioration.

In , the U. Meanwhile, since mid, the country has lost nearly three million manufacturing jobs. This was the fourth time since George W. Bush took office that it had to be raised. The national debt is the total amount owed by the government and should not be confused with the federal budget deficit, the annual amount by which federal spending exceeds revenue.

Had Congress not raised the debt limit, the U. This helps explain why our debt burden has not yet triggered what standard economic theory would dictate: a steep decline in the value of the U.

So far, both the Chinese and Japanese governments continue to be willing to be paid in dollars in order to sustain American purchases of their exports. For the sake of their own domestic employment, both countries lend huge amounts to the American treasury, but there is no guarantee of how long they will want to, or be able to do so. Marshall Auerback, an international financial strategist, says we have become a "Blanche Dubois economy" so named after the leading character in the Tennessee Williams play A Streetcar Named Desire heavily dependent on "the kindness of strangers.

So my own hope is that -- if the American people do not find a way to choose democracy over empire -- at least our imperial venture will end not with a nuclear bang but a financial whimper. From the present vantage point, it certainly seems a daunting challenge for any President or Congress from either party even to begin the task of dismantling the military-industrial complex, ending the pall of "national security" secrecy and the "black budgets" that make public oversight of what our government does impossible, and bringing the president's secret army, the CIA, under democratic control.

It's evident that Nemesis -- in Greek mythology the goddess of vengeance, the punisher of hubris and arrogance -- is already a visitor in our country, simply biding her time before she makes her presence known. From until he served as a consultant to the Office of National Estimates of the Central Intelligence Agency. In he appeared in the prize-winning documentary film Why We Fight.

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You'll receive 3 to 5 mailings per week and we'll never sell or share your email address. Hostilities engulfed the globe. Mobilization extended to virtually every sector of every nation. Air war, including the terror bombing of civilians, emerged as a central strategy of the victorious Anglo-American powers. The devastation was catastrophic almost everywhere, with the notable exception of the United States, which exited the strife unscathed and unmatched in power and influence.

The death toll of fighting forces plus civilians worldwide was staggering. The Violent American Century addresses the U. In contrast to World War II, postwar death and destruction has been comparatively small. By any other measure, it has been appalling—and shows no sign of abating.